Introduction
Adolescent sex offenders (ASOs) have been defined as young people from the age of twelve to eighteen who commit any illegal sexual act as defined by the sex crime statutes of the jurisdiction in which the offense occurred, with a person of any age either through use of force, exploitation or threats. Statistics available about adolescent sex offenders estimate that adolescents perpetrate nationally almost 25 percent of all sexual offenses (National Center on Sexual Behaviors of Youth, 2003; Koch, 2010). Further, the statistics show that females under the age of 18 years account for almost 1 percent of forcible rapes done by juveniles while at the same time, they account for 7 percent of all juvenile arrests for sex offenses (National Center on Sexual Behaviors of Youth, 2003; Stansups, 2007).
Explanation of the area and why this particular area is interesting
As some earlier reports have claimed that ASOs come from largely dysfunctional families, the recent studies have refuted these claims, and today, no particular unique family pattern has been identified for ASOs. Moreover, other reports have shown that almost 20 to 50 per cent of adolescent sex offenders were sexually victimized while they were children, “have been exposed to sexual violence in their families” (Stephenson, 2010) or have “experienced an earlier exposure to sex or pornography” (American Psychological Association, 2010). Interesting the new studies shows that although adolescent sex offenders have been regarded and stereotyped as social incompetent, they are likely to exhibit characteristics of atypical sexual interests (American Psychological Association, 2010) Today researches indicate that the sexual re-offense rate for the majority of ASOs who receive treatment is generally low in most USA setting. For instance, studies suggest that the rate of sexual re-offense is between five to14 percent, which is largely lower as compared to statistics of other delinquent behavior that has been estimated to be between 8 to 58 per cent (National Center on Sexual Behaviors of Youth, 2003). The majority of ASOs are treated and in some instances much faster in less intensive treatment programs. Most professionals dealing with ASOs, have many of their ‘patients’ in outpatient group treatment programs that meet once a week for 8 to 28 months and in most cases, the ASOs remain safely in the community during the treatment.
Therefore, this paper will address a psychological model that analyses adolescent sex offenders in detail. It will try to answer questions related to factors or reasons behind abuse, the possible prevention and intervention mechanism, and the treatment modalities for the ASOs in the larger population. Interest in adolescent sex offenders largely developed from the fact that I work with adolescent sex offenders, and a thorough understanding of their behavior patterns will increase my knowledge and understanding while at the same time deepening my skills of working with ASOs.
History of ASOs therapy
In the early 1980s, a clinical therapist whose name was Robert Longo for the first time treated an adolescent boy who had committed sex offenses whereby their offenses ranged from fondling girls who were some few years younger than they were to the instant ape of young children (Jones, 2007). As part of the treatment process, Longo asked the boys to keep journals, which Longo read whereby the boys in detail accounted for their sexual fantasies. As a result, there was the creation of ‘relapse-prevention plans’ that were formulated on the idea that sex-offending was and is like an addiction and that adolescents need to be aware and divorce themselves from any forms of triggers (Jones, 2007) that might have the potential to instigate the cycle of re-offending. At the beginning of every group discussion, the ASOs introduced themselves as sex offenders just the way an alcoholic individual introduces himself that, he is an alcoholic. This session provided for self-confession by the boys on how they had been offending others sexually.
During that period, sex-offenders therapy for ASOs was a relatively new field; and for Longo just like other therapists were conducting themselves, he based his practices, and assumptions on the adult sex-offenders models since that was the field with ‘mature’ literature. As such, the therapist notes the shortcomings of these adult sex-offender models and says that, the models largely fail to account for adolescent development and how family and environment contribute to children’s behavior. This view has been complimented by recent studies that have concluded that adolescents who commit sex offenses are generally in many ways very different from adult sex offenders (Jones, 2007).
Most theories that try to explain the causes of adolescent sex offending behaviors have largely borrowed from literature of the aetiology of adult sex offending (Grant, et al., 2008). There have been possible factors suggested as the causes for ASOs sex offending behaviors, and these factors have ranged from biological, developmental difficulties, the impact of prior victimization, social learning, psychological deficits, dysfunctional parenting, and dysfunctional families (Grant et al., 2008). In essence, these factors have been linked to adolescent sex offending though they are not mutually exclusive since more than one factor or set of factors is likely to contribute to ASOs behavior. To examine these factors professionals in the field of psychology and criminology and other related fields have developed a number of theories of adolescent sex offending behavior. According to Grant et al. (2008) the problem with many of the developed theories is that only a few of them address the adolescent sex offending behavior in specific and that most of the theories that have been utilized have been developed with reference to adult sex offender models (Grant, et al., 2008).
The origin of theories relevant to understanding adolescent sex offending behavior especially in the modern world can be traced to the pioneering work by Finlelhor that employed much effort in understanding the motives of adults involved in sexually offending against children (O’ Reilly and Carr, 2004 cited in Grant, et al., 2008). As a result, Finlelhor drew attention to the findings from his research that many sex offenders were emotionally immature, had low self-esteem, and manifested poor interpersonal skills (Grant, et al., 2008). O’Brien and Bera (1986) have been regarded as the first researchers to have the focus and enthusiasm of developing a theory of adolescent sex offending.
The model they developed tried to put together the numerous elements and factors that were earlier highlighted in this discussion. To them, factors that promote adolescent sex offending include family issues (absent parent, neglect, domestic violence, and attachment issues); prior victimization of the adolescent; poor socialization; psychological issues and exposure to pornography (Grant et al., 2008). Further, according to this theory, there exist seven major aspects of adolescent sex offending and any thorough understanding of the interrelationship between them constitutes a firm basis for treatment of the ASOs. The factors are: motivations, situational opportunity, internal inhibitors overcome, victim resistance circumvented, sexual abuse act, fantasy and masturbatory reinforcement and rationalizations or thinking errors (Grant, et al., 2008).
Another theory developed attempted to integrate a range of known links with adolescent sex offending behavior; the theory goes by the name Lane’s theory of the sexual abuse (Lane, 1997 cited in Grant, et al., 2008). According to Lane’s argument, sexually abusive behavior specifically in adolescents is as a result of maladaptive response to stressful events whereby stressful event normally creates feelings of powerlessness and low self-esteem in the adolescent that in turn accelerate feelings o powerlessness and they manifest in adolescent where they become withdrawn. Central assumption of the Lane theory include: sexual abuse without consent, control seeking and dominance, attempt to compensate for negative affective states, sexual arousal and anticipation reinforce behavior and self-soothing mechanism, cognitive distortion and lastly, addictive compulsive characteristics of behavior (Lane, 1997 cited in Grant et al., 2008).
Rasmussen, Burton, and Christopherson (1992) developed another model that based on trauma, which posed that sexually abusive behaviors are one possible response to a traumatic experience. The model analyzes how those who go through trauma subsequently become perpetrators as compared to those who for instance have not experienced any trauma and therefore there is no likelihood of them perpetuating such acts (Grant, et al., 2008). This theory proposes three likely responses to traumatic sexual victimization: 1) Recovery – the child is able to express and resolve issues that surround his or her experience of victimization. 2) Self-victimization – the child internalizes the thoughts and feelings associated with the trauma and as a result, exhibit maladaptive thoughts, feelings, and behaviors towards self. 3) Assault, where the child identifies with the perpetrators rationalizations, externalizes these trauma echoes, justifies the abuse, and engages in abusive behavior towards others (Grant, et al., 2008).
The Cycle of Violence Theory
This is a theory in social science field that postulates that violence is a learned behavior that transverses across various generations in continuity. The learned behavior in turn explains all forms of violence. For instance, the person committing violence chooses violence as response to stimulus because violence is the behavior modeled to the person. The theory has been used to explain elder abuse and the theory suggests that psychologically, physically, or sexually abused people during their childhood possess greater potentials of becoming violent adults (Summers, Hoffman, and American Public Health Association, 2006). Gelles noted that the physical punishment of children is the most effective way to teach violence. Other researches done have positively indicated that people who happen to have been victimized at an early age greatly face a higher risk of being arrested for committing crimes as adults (Summers, Hoffman and American Public Health Association, 2006).
Spaccarelli, et al. (1995) found out that young men who shows higher ability to engage in violent behavior are the one who happen to have been targets of physical abuse and were exposed to violent behavior by someone close to them (cited in Summers, Hoffman and American Public Health Association, 2006). On the other hand, Doerner and Lab (2002), using numerous evidence established that children who watch parents engage in violent outbursts will grow to accept these behaviors as legitimate (Summers, Hoffman and American Public Health Association, 2006). Some researchers have in many instances referred to the cycle of violence as the intergenerational transmission of violence whereby their argument rests on the basis that violence is handed down. In addition, the chain of aggressive behavior continues generation after generation since those who are exposed to violent and aggressive behavior develop predisposition to use it (Summers, Hoffman, and American Public Health Association, 2006).
Statistics indicate that children in USA are more likely to be exposed to violence than are adults and children together with adolescent numbering in millions are exposed to violence in their homes, schools and communities and in both cases they act as victims and witness. Research by Comprehensive National Survey on children’s exposure to violence indicated that in USA children are exposed to violence on a daily basis (Summers, Hoffman and American Public Health Association, 2006). The study’s figures indicated that 60per cent of all the children surveyed were exposed to violence either directly or indirectly whereas 46.3 per cent were being assaulted on yearly basis (Summers, Hoffman and American Public Health Association, 2006). Violence exposure, studies shows that it can have significant effects on children as they develop and as they subsequently form their own intimate relationships throughout childhood and adulthood. As children get exposed to violent acts, risk factors become cumulative and hence the risk of negative outcomes multiplies placing the children in compound problems.
Analyses and syntheses of scholarly articles, describing how the field has applied the theory to real world situations
Healthcare providers and other therapists have utilized the theory of violence as learned behavior to develop risk assessments based upon exposure to violence. In developing risk assessment strategies the therapists have analyzed the stages that the cycle of violence goes through:
- “the build-up phase,
- stand-over phase,
- explosion,
- remorse phase,
- pursuit phase,
- remorse phase, the perpetrator of violence in any kin honeymoon phase” (Queensland Police Service, 2008).
In the build up phase, a normal relationship takes place among individuals interacting in particular relationship, though there is evidence of heightening strain that may involve oral, emotional, or economic abuse. In the stand off phase, there are signs of fright especially by those affected by a particular domestic violence. The perpetrator of the violence gravitate his or her actions to the point that tension builds up while the person on whom violence is directed become fearful since they get convinced that anything they do may worsen the situation further.
In the explosion phase the violence reach a peak point where abuse become the order of day and the perpetrator uses power, violence and other control measures to execute abusive acts to the victim. At the same time, the person who executes violence may become addictive in this phase. In the remorse phase, the perpetrator of violence may tend to get embarrassed and thus they may seek retreat from the relationship. For them they look all the available opportunities to justify their actions. In the pursuit phase the perpetrator gives the promise to the victim that what has happened will be repeated and may try to suggest the factors they believe caused their violent behaviors to others. During the honeymoon, both the victim and the perpetrator may reach certain agreements to make the relationship sustainable (Queensland Police Service, 2008).
Description of a real or imagined practical situation in which the theory could be used. Highlight areas where the theory is comprehensive and where the theory still leaves questions unanswered
Adolescent Treatment programs
Numerous studies indicate that without initiating necessary and appropriate intervention, adolescent sex offenders are at risk to continue their sexual violent behaviors (Way, 1999). Since its identification as a grave problem, many efforts have been made towards establishing treatment for adolescent sex offenders. For instance, starting in the year 1983, there were about twenty programs that were available for adolescent and children who were regarded as sex offenders specifically in North America (Jordan Institute for Families, 2002). However, writing in the year 2000, Ryan noted that the number of programs had increased to over 1000 (cited in Jordan Institute for Families, 2002). For a long time, adolescent sex offender treatment programs have largely depended and borrowed from the traditional adult sex offender model. In this case, primary interventions mechanisms have included “teaching of relapse prevention and the sexual abuse cycle, empathy training, anger management, social and interpersonal skills training, cognitive restructuring, assertiveness training, journaling and sex education” (Hunter and Longo, N.d cited in Jordan Institute for Families, 2002).
Research has indicated those adolescents who take part in treatment programs possess lower chances of recidivism as compared to adult sex offenders or the untreated adolescent sex offenders (Jordan Institute for Families, 2002). Alexander (1999) carried out a research and his findings showed that adult sex offenders had chances of re-offending at 13 per cent while adolescent sex offenders had chances of re-offense at 7.1 per cent in a study he carried out for about five years (cited in Jordan Institute for Families, 2002).
On the same note, Worling (2001) undertook a large-scale research study where he analyzed and evaluated numerous studies from many parts of Canada. His conclusion was that only 5 per cent of adolescent who had undergone treatment charged with similar sexual offenses as compared to 18 per cent of adolescent who had not received any treatment (cited in Jordan Institute for Families, 2002). On describing the treatment for adolescent sex offenders, Michael Miner notes that the treatment needs to be in a form of a “structured set of interventions based on a specialized assessment. In addition, “it can include psychotherapy, family therapy, medical treatments, or other psychosocial interventions; and while probation supervision and residential placement are not considered treatment, they are important aspects of intervention with juvenile sexual offenders” (Miner, et al., 2006).
Dysfunctional of Cycle of violence theory
Since the theory largely explains how aggressive and violent behaviors are transmitted from one generation to another. From the earlier literatures in this field, researchers formulated and investigated hypothesis for the existence of casual relationship that was manifested between physical abuse experienced in childhood and then later in adult life violence. Despite the older researches showing and paying attention to these facts, the researchers in the area of cycle of violence have greatly failed to demonstrate a causative definition with the accompanying effect in terms of rule that should be utilized in explaining the intergenerational transmission of violence.
The current research being done shows that learning and enculturation violent behaviors is a complex process in which the relationship that defines interaction between individual, environment and structural variables are seen to generate different outcomes in different people. Because of behavior enculturation, individuals’ exhibit complexity thereby making it difficult to determine the factors that interact and in the process increase the likelihood for violent behavior in adulthood. Further this theory appear problematic from the fact that it fails to give explanation to why in some cases negligence shown by parents or guardians or rejection causes more dysfunction in behavior than the physical abuse. At the same time no conclusive evidence exist or that have been expressed by this theory that shows that parents or guardians who are abusive in nature were at one time themselves abused as children.
Moreover, it is not an outright fact that children who experience violence or cases of abuse grow to become abusive themselves. Some studies have found that the incidence where abuse is likely to occur increases the chances of one’s risk for delinquency and criminal act. However, on the same measure 74 per cent of abused or neglected subjects did not show any likeliness of juvenile offenses while 89 per cent had not experienced any arrest because of violent criminal acts (Anonymous, N.d). Moreover, the theory does not pay attention to the likelihood of violence to generate other related dysfunctional in adolescent behaviors such as withdrawal or self-destructiveness (Widom, 1989 cited in Anonymous, N.d).
Additions or changes to the theory that would improve its practical application
Violence has become a multidisciplinary issue that exhibit complexities where it has cut relationships across board from psychological and physical health consequences, differing moral and philosophical perceptions, and social, political, and economic interdependence, which make it necessary that there should be an understanding and commitment of many issues. As a fact, no particular theory or discipline in its singularity can provide adequate explanation or solution to the causes or impacts of violence although it must be recognized that each discipline or theory has the capability to contribute in part to the understanding of violence as a concept.
Cycle of violence theory is one particular theory that its immense contribution to the field of psychology cannot be assumed or disregarded. Many of the treatment especially with regard to adult and adolescent sex offenders result from the propositions of the circle of violence theory. The inadequacies of the theory have drawn one of the contentious issues in the field of psychology. But on overall, the theory can become more relevant and widely accepted first by ensuring that family abuse are well researched and documented while at the same time presenting clearly the factors that are more likely to be causal to the future behavior among those who are abused. As it stands now the theory does not address these issues in a concise manner. In addition, the theory still exhibits methodological limitations and which for a long time has made many people to believe that the theory is much irrelevant.
This methodological limitation has resulted into some generalization becoming contentious especially when further cross-related studies are undertaken. Therefore, it is imperative for those who prefer to use the theory to develop relevant and valid methodological techniques, which can make the results of the studies more accepted. Third, the belief that those abused while children have higher potentials to become abusers themselves need further investigation. Some of the current studies have shown that not all those who experience childhood abuse and violence end up as adult abusers. Lastly, the theory fails in its propositions to account for all stages of the cycle with regard to certain violence acts and the notion that the third phase of contrite and loving brings forgiveness and relationship between the victims becomes normal appear to be exaggerated. What is evident in most cases is the fact that in a gruesome violent act, there cannot be total happiness among the victims and the theory needs to investigate the best way to present or outline this phase.
Conclusion
Cycle of violence theory can be utilized to explain the adolescent sex offender actions. For instance, most sex offenses carried out by adolescent result from their exposure to violent acts in their families and as a result, they learn the acts, which they carry with themselves to their adulthood. Many studies done show that majority of sex offenders among the adolescent at one point experienced sexual abuse but this does not mean all those who experienced violent childhood will foster violence themselves. Treatment drawn from the proposition of the theory have seen tremendous results whereby those adolescent who accept to undergo treatment shows are less likely to repeat the offense. Therefore, what is necessary is for the theory of cycle of violence to be improved in order to address the contentious issues to be accepted across board.
References
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Jones, M. (2007). How Can You Distinguish a Budding Pedophile from a Kid with Real Boundary Problems. The New York Times. Web.
Jordan Institute for Families. (2002). Understanding Juvenile Sex Offenders. N.C. Division of Social Services and the Family and Children’s Resource Program. Web.
Koch, W. (2010). Study: Many sex offenders are kids themselves. USA Today. Web.
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